Causa Belli: Why We Fight

An ongoing survey of the current political, cultural and philosophical debate surrounding the War on Terror. Who are we fighting? Why are we fighting? What are we defending?

Wednesday, February 16, 2005

Buchanan should like this

From the AP:

WASHINGTON - The Bush administration said Wednesday it would seek to reinstate an indictment against a California pornography company that was charged with violating federal obscenity laws. It was Attorney General Alberto Gonzales' first public decision on a legal matter.

...

"The Department of Justice (news - web sites) remains strongly committed to the investigation and prosecution of adult obscenity cases," said Gonzales, who pledged during his confirmation hearing to pursue obscenity cases.
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Buchanan should like this

From the AP:

WASHINGTON - The Bush administration said Wednesday it would seek to reinstate an indictment against a California pornography company that was charged with violating federal obscenity laws. It was Attorney General Alberto Gonzales' first public decision on a legal matter.

"The Department of Justice (news - web sites) remains strongly committed to the investigation and prosecution of adult obscenity cases," said Gonzales, who pledged during his confirmation hearing to pursue obscenity cases.
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Tuesday, February 15, 2005

Buchanan is *not* al-Zawahiri

Dan over at Winds of Change cites me in his latest piece, "The Al-Qaeda Rebuttal to Bush's State of the Union." Writing on al-Zawahiri's statement on "Western" freedom, he writes:

Unfortunately, I don't think he goes far enough in explaining what exactly it is that al-Zawahiri is rejecting here. While he enumerates the traditional litany of American atrocities against the rest of the world (the use of nuclear weapons against Japan, a reference to the US rendition policy, supporting Arab dictators like Hosni Mubarak, supporting Israel in its alleged goal of destroying the al-Aqsa Mosque, human rights abuses at Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib), the earlier part of his statement could also be read alongside Pat Buchanan's most recent column...

I guess it could, since a lot of the grievances are similar, especially dealing with secularization and moral decadence. But let's look at the al-Zawahiri passage that Dan quotes immediately preceding Buchanan:

"The freedom that we want is not the freedom of interest-bearing banks and vast corporations and misleading mass media; not the freedom of the destruction of others for the sake of materialistic interests; and not the freedom of AIDS and an industry of obscenities and homosexual marriages; and not the freedom to use women as a commodity to gain clients, win deals, or attract tourists; not the freedom of Hiroshima and Nagasaki; and not the freedom of trading in the apparatus of torture and supporting the regimes of oppression and Copts and suppression, the friends of America; and not the freedom of Israel, with their annihilation of the Muslims and destruction of the Aqsa mosque; and not the freedom of Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib."

I think that the bolded passage is the only part where Buchanan can be said to agree with al-Zawahiri. Then again, most Americans, I dare say, do not approve of pornography and, according to polls (and judging by 13 state referenda), it seems that a great deal, if not a majority, of Americans dissaprove of same-sex marriage. The important difference is that no one is using violence to end pornography and stop same-sex marriage in America. And, of course, that the majority of Americans don't agree with the rest of al-Zawahiri's statement.

Also, there is the very important fact that Pat Buchanan remains a Roman Catholic--his depressing pessimism notwithstanding. I don't think al-Zawahiri would approve of that. As far as he's concerned, Buchanan is just a Roman Copt.

Again: the defeatism and the fatalism is what gets me. None of this is constructive. Why not read something like The Universal Hunger for Liberty or The Case for Democracy? At least those books give one hope.
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Monday, February 14, 2005

The Pope on Church and State

From Zenit, the Pope on the secularity of the state:

Quoting the Second Vatican Council's pastoral constitution "Gaudium et Spes," the Pope recalled that "the Church does not have the vocation to manage temporal realities, as, in virtue of its task and competence, it is in no way confused with the political community and is not linked to any political system."

"But, at the same time, it is necessary that all work for the general interest and the common good," the Holy Father wrote.

That should put a lot of fears to rest.

(Re: those "fears," see the "Death of the Enlightenment" Roundups, Part I, Part II, Part III.)
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More on Buchanan's thinking

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What makes the West worth Saving?

Pat Buchanan's latest column starts off as an interesting and reasonable discussion on what exactly Americans mean by "freedom". Freedom as license, or freedom as being able to live well according to virtue and truth? But the piece ends with two disturbing paragraphs:

In "Witness," Whittaker Chambers writes of how, in a hospital, as he spoke with a priest friend about whether the West might be saved, he was brought up short by the priest's question: "What make you think the West is worth saving?"

As the West advances from aborting its unborn to assisting the suicide of its sick, from euthanasia of its elderly to mercy-killing its disabled young in Europe, from its Christian roots to its post-Christian decadence, decline and death from a lack of births, the priest's question is being asked--and not only in the madrassas of the East.

Where else is it being asked? Well, among radical groups everywhere, I suppose, in different ways. There was the late Susan Sontag who called the white race--which is not exactly the same thing as "the West"--a "cancer" on the rest of the humanity. There are many radical environmentalist groups who consider the human race as a blight on mother Gaia. On the other side of the spectrum there are Savonarolas everywhere. I for one am sick of hearing all of these prophets of doom. One side warns of 1984, the other of a Brave New World. Being a prophet of doom is too easy. It assumes that no solutions are viable, and so it relieves the prophet of looking for a solution and allows him to spend all his time writing poetic condemnations.

It's not that Buchanan and other prophets of doom don't make some good arguments; they do. There is lots to criticize and worry about in America and Europe. But what bothers me is the fatalistic and defeatist attitudes that accompany those critiques.

This site is called "Why We Fight" for a reason. There are things that are worth fighting for--in the West, more specifically. To counter Mr Buchanan's apocalyptic remarks I invite all readers reading this to help me compile a list of things that answers that priest's question--What makes the West worth saving?

-------------

On a related note...


--Victor Davis Hanson recently rebuked a few of the doomsday prophets in this article.

--He was reacting to this piece in the The Sunday Times.
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Wednesday, February 02, 2005

Apologies requested

From a friend:

AngelusErrares: Unfortunately
AngelusErrares: I have no idea why I fight since 1/3/05
AngelusErrares: My causa belli is gone

I am very sorry for going AWOL for a month. I apologize to all my three--it's three, right?--readers for betraying their expectations. However, the truth is that right now I am busy with three writing projects, 18 credit hours, 3 different language courses, and applications for internships this summer. So I will have to leave it to greater minds to discuss the philosphical issues of the war. (Tip: read Christopher Blosser's long post on the Iraqi elections in www.ratzingerfanclub.com/justwar)

'Til then, blogging, as they say, will be "light."



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Monday, January 03, 2005

If it was only that simple...

From the Economist:

In any event, the terms of western academia's truce between the secular and religious are different from anything in the Muslim world. Nobody in a western university would argue for the truth of a statement on the sole ground that the Bible, or church tradition, asserted it. That may be good; but the resulting climate leaves no middle ground between naive fundamentalism and a secularism that refuses to engage with religious experience.

To which a secularist may ask, so what? Is there any reason why people who believe in none of the Abrahamic religions should follow their debates on how to read holy writ? In fact, there is. Take one example from Islam: Mr Luxenberg argues that the rewards the Koran promises to martyrs for their faith when they get to heaven is not "virgins" (72 of them) but a word that means "grapes" or "white fruit." In a world where suicide-bombers are urged on by delectable prizes, that is a translation that matters.

Perhaps if it was made clear to Osama Bin Laden that it's "grapes" and not "virgins," then he would order everyone of his men to beat their swords into ploughshares, and everything would be just swell.

I wouldn't count on it, though.


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Can one fight "terrorism"?

As part of their fiftieth anniversary festivities, NRO has been posting various articles from yesteryear. One of them, an angry and beautiful piece written during the infancy of the Cold War about the revolt at Poznan, caught my attention:


And as they rolled over Polish bodies the Communist tanks flattened also the soft rhetoric of our George Kennans and Stewart Alsops, our experts and smug journalists, who have been telling us how the Soviet regime has come to be accepted by its subjects, how (in Kennan's servile words) "there is a finality, for better or worse [sic], about what has occurred in Eastern Europe." The people of Poznan, clasping hands as they faced the tanks demanding food and decent working conditions and an end to Moscow's rule, and the soldiers who joined them instead of firing on them: these in one day communicated more of the truth about the Soviet Empire than a decade's dispatches by correspondents and diplomats.

The embryo revolt in Poznan was not isolated, but the latest act in a series that extends over the past four years: the slave labor revolts beginning in 1952, before Stalin's death, in the Vorkuta complex; the East German uprising; the large-scale recent fighting in Eastern Tibet; the riots in Tiflis. Every such demonstration proves, contrary to the skeptics, that a policy of liberation is closer to Soviet realities than any policy of containment or coexistence.
Two thoughts:

1.) It's not too hard to draw parallels between the people of Poznan and the students in Iran, or the various factions resisting Saddam's regime. When encountering Communist regimes and autocratic Middle Eastern states that sponsor terrorism, the choices are similar: containment or engagement. What's different is that the internal politics in the Middle Eastern states are a lot more fragmented than in they were in Eastern Europe.

2.) Can the West fight terrorism the same way the West once fought Communism? The counterargument today is that terrorism is a "tactic", and that one cannot eradicate a tactic, however illegitimate its use. I think that a similar argument could have been made during the Cold War, that Communism is an idea, or an ideology, and one cannot eradicate an idea, lest one promote a totalitarian state that will burn all the books. Today, however, there is no one that claims that Communism in its pure, orthodox form, is soundly defeated, despite the fact that Cuba, North Korea, and China remain, at least nominally, Communist. The great power--the U.S.S.R.--that sustained Communism is no more. Could the War on Terror reach a similar stage, where terrorism as a tactic is only used rarely, and where only one or two small states--with no WMD capabilities--flirt with providing hospitality to terrorist groups?

This is what Bush has said:

"We meet today at a time of war for our country. A war we did not start, yet one that we will win," the president told members of the American Legion at their annual convention.

"In this different kind of war, we may never sit down at a peace table, but make no mistake about it, we are winning and we will win.

"We will win by staying on the offensive. We will win by spreading liberty," Bush said.

That's all pretty vague, and I don't expect a very philosophical--or dare I say, "nuanced"--answer in the middel of a political campaign. But if the idea of victory means that terrorism, as a tactic of war, will never be used again, then I say the war will never be won. In that sense, fighting "terror" would be like fighting burglary--you can fight burglars, but you will never end burglarly as an activity. I think the more reasonable thing to say is this: the War on Terror is a fight against an ideology, radical political Islam, which is just as totalitarian as Communism, which depends on the sponsorship of sympathetic regimes in the Middle East, and whose modus operandi is terrorism. There will be a lot less terrorism once state sponsorship has been sundered, and once all those terrorist groups have been dismantled and suppressed. Even then, you'd still have to deal with smaller, non-Islamic groups, like the IRA, which have not declared jihad against the West.



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Friday, December 31, 2004

Tsunami Help

Happy New Year's to everybody, and please let's remember those whose New Year is off to a bad start:

Tsunami Help

American Red Cross

More contacts compiled here. (Thanks to Oxblog.)
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Sunday, December 26, 2004

But, what is truth?

Jonathan Raban seems to know. At least, the truth about terrorism. For that is the title of his piece in the latest edition of the New York Review of Books.

If you live, as I do, in an American city designated as a likely target by the Department of Homeland Security, the sheer proliferation of security apparatus in the streets assures you that there is a war on. Yet the nature and conduct of that war, and the character—and very existence—of our enemy, remain infuriatingly obscure: not because there's any shortage of information, or apparent information, but because so much of it has turned out to be creative guesswork or empty propaganda.

He gets pretty critical of Podhoretz, too, and about his dismissal of US policy towards Israel as one of the "reasons why 'They' hate us."


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