Causa Belli: Why We Fight

An ongoing survey of the current political, cultural and philosophical debate surrounding the War on Terror. Who are we fighting? Why are we fighting? What are we defending?

Monday, January 03, 2005

Can one fight "terrorism"?

As part of their fiftieth anniversary festivities, NRO has been posting various articles from yesteryear. One of them, an angry and beautiful piece written during the infancy of the Cold War about the revolt at Poznan, caught my attention:


And as they rolled over Polish bodies the Communist tanks flattened also the soft rhetoric of our George Kennans and Stewart Alsops, our experts and smug journalists, who have been telling us how the Soviet regime has come to be accepted by its subjects, how (in Kennan's servile words) "there is a finality, for better or worse [sic], about what has occurred in Eastern Europe." The people of Poznan, clasping hands as they faced the tanks demanding food and decent working conditions and an end to Moscow's rule, and the soldiers who joined them instead of firing on them: these in one day communicated more of the truth about the Soviet Empire than a decade's dispatches by correspondents and diplomats.

The embryo revolt in Poznan was not isolated, but the latest act in a series that extends over the past four years: the slave labor revolts beginning in 1952, before Stalin's death, in the Vorkuta complex; the East German uprising; the large-scale recent fighting in Eastern Tibet; the riots in Tiflis. Every such demonstration proves, contrary to the skeptics, that a policy of liberation is closer to Soviet realities than any policy of containment or coexistence.
Two thoughts:

1.) It's not too hard to draw parallels between the people of Poznan and the students in Iran, or the various factions resisting Saddam's regime. When encountering Communist regimes and autocratic Middle Eastern states that sponsor terrorism, the choices are similar: containment or engagement. What's different is that the internal politics in the Middle Eastern states are a lot more fragmented than in they were in Eastern Europe.

2.) Can the West fight terrorism the same way the West once fought Communism? The counterargument today is that terrorism is a "tactic", and that one cannot eradicate a tactic, however illegitimate its use. I think that a similar argument could have been made during the Cold War, that Communism is an idea, or an ideology, and one cannot eradicate an idea, lest one promote a totalitarian state that will burn all the books. Today, however, there is no one that claims that Communism in its pure, orthodox form, is soundly defeated, despite the fact that Cuba, North Korea, and China remain, at least nominally, Communist. The great power--the U.S.S.R.--that sustained Communism is no more. Could the War on Terror reach a similar stage, where terrorism as a tactic is only used rarely, and where only one or two small states--with no WMD capabilities--flirt with providing hospitality to terrorist groups?

This is what Bush has said:

"We meet today at a time of war for our country. A war we did not start, yet one that we will win," the president told members of the American Legion at their annual convention.

"In this different kind of war, we may never sit down at a peace table, but make no mistake about it, we are winning and we will win.

"We will win by staying on the offensive. We will win by spreading liberty," Bush said.

That's all pretty vague, and I don't expect a very philosophical--or dare I say, "nuanced"--answer in the middel of a political campaign. But if the idea of victory means that terrorism, as a tactic of war, will never be used again, then I say the war will never be won. In that sense, fighting "terror" would be like fighting burglary--you can fight burglars, but you will never end burglarly as an activity. I think the more reasonable thing to say is this: the War on Terror is a fight against an ideology, radical political Islam, which is just as totalitarian as Communism, which depends on the sponsorship of sympathetic regimes in the Middle East, and whose modus operandi is terrorism. There will be a lot less terrorism once state sponsorship has been sundered, and once all those terrorist groups have been dismantled and suppressed. Even then, you'd still have to deal with smaller, non-Islamic groups, like the IRA, which have not declared jihad against the West.



Comments:
I disagree with any comparison between the people of Poznan and the students in Iran. Not only aren't the soldiers joining them, but they are really enjoying shooting and beating the protestors. The hardliners are a far more pervasive influence in Iranian society than the believing communists were in Eastern Europe. Radical and hardline Islam are homegrown in Iran as opposed to Communism, which was imported to Eastern Europe by triumphant Soviet forces in 1945.
 
This comment comes several months after the orignal post, but it seems the most recent post I could find that discusses the original idea, insofar as I understand it, of this blog: To defend the rationale and justification for going to war in Iraq.

The most damning aspect of the reasoning for the War in Iraq, as originally explained to the American people, was that it was contingent on things happening in the future. At the time the public discussion happened, I was trying to ask anyone I could--what happens if there are no WMDs? What happens if the Iraqis don't welcome US troops with flowers? What if there are no terrorists being harbored in Iraq like there were in Afghanistan? What if there is no connection to 9/11?

Of course, some people still dog on those war protesters way back when, but never addressing the fact that these questions should have been asked and answered sufficiently before we went to war. I haven't written much in public about the War in Iraq because frankly, history has made--indeed is making--all of the arguments for those who opposed invading. No WMDs, no flowers, no 9/11 connection, and who knows when we're getting out.

"What! Why that's treasonous crazy talk!"--say the conservative talk-show hosts. But rather than discuss the issues that should have been discussed all along--should we have gone to war under the circumstances under which we did go to war, the subject gets changed--"So, you trust a mass-murderer like Saddam Hussien to disarm and stop gassing millions of Kurds?" "So, you think the Iraqis were better off with Saddam than now?" Or my favorite from a letter to the editor in the KC Star this weekend... "So, why did you support a "liar" like Clinton who said that Saddam was dangerous and had WMDs and why won't you support a President now that's willing to do something about it." Or, instead of answering Cindy Sheehan's legitimate questions, the conservative media will attack her because some of her supporters include Michael Moore, etc.

It's litterally banging one's head against a wall. You ask one question, such as "So, now that all the reasons the Administration initially gave to invade have proven to be false, do you still think we were right to go to war in Iraq?" and you get responses that don't match the question, such as "So, you think we should just cut and run and abandon the Iraqi people to the terrorists then! Typical liberal! Why don't you just come out and admit you hate America!" *Sigh* Anyway, I suppose that's placing words in some conservative's mouths... except I've actually heard those come out of conservatives' mouths. It's like believing that this President is never, ever, EVER wrong about anything is somehow a holy dogma. I mean, I may have supported Clinton, but I sure didn't support everything he did. I wrote plenty of letters and e-mails to him opposing this policy or that.

I guess my suggestion is this: As we begin to think about Iran and North Korea and about how to win the War on Terror, if such a thing is winnable, or a Global Struggle Against Violent Extremism, if such a thing is winnable--perhaps we would all serve our country better if we thought critically about everything our elected officials say and propose, rather than just blindly following and believing them no matter what the evidence shows or what the costs may be. We should no longer follow the party line--Democratic or Republican--without asking difficult questions whose answers we may not be comfortable with. Doesn't Congress owe that to its constituents? Don't each of us owe that to our country?
 
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